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THE LOTUS SUTRA’S REHABILITATION: Jeff Lindstrom The reputation of the Lotus Sutra ranges from adoration of its presumed spiritual qualities to condemnation of its alleged intolerance. In separate works, two Western scholars analyze Mahayana Buddhism and its writings in the context of upaya or skillful means. In emphasizing the prime importance of upaya they appear to attempt, explicitly or implicitly, a rehabilitation of the Lotus Sutra. Although Michael Pye’s textual analysis and John W. Schroeder’s philosophical critique present a convincing case for the importance of upaya in Mahayana Buddhism, their logic and evidence carry far less weight when applied to the Lotus. Their enthusiastic promotion of upaya provides a welcome contrast to the doctrinally and metaphysically obsessed predispositions of many Buddhologists in the West. Nonetheless, Pye’s and Schroeder’s overall conclusions about upaya’s vital role in Buddhism cannot erase the strong evidence that intolerance and sectarianism pervade the Lotus. However, in the process of making their case, Pye and Schroeder shed much light on the underpinnings of Buddhist doctrine and practice, likely providing a stronger basis for future studies on the Lotus. Although apparently written originally in Sanskrit somewhere on the Indian subcontinent, the Lotus Sutra’s importance to Buddhism there paled in comparison to its wide-ranging popularity in the Chinese and Japanese traditions.[1] In translations such as Kumarajiva’s preeminent one, the sutra became widely know in China, and from there it was passed on to Japan (Pye 8). From Tientai’s all-encompassing systematics[2] to Nichiren’s condemnation of non-Lotus works as evil,[3] the Lotus has had a major role to play in Buddhist veneration and schismatics. It is said to capture the essence of Mahayana thought,[4] and even to provide magical benefits to those who venerate it.[5] For at least 1700 years the Lotus has played a major role in the development of East Asian Buddhism.[6] The other side of the argument is the sutra’s apparent intolerance. Some Western scholars place the Lotus as yet one more example in a long series of vociferously sectarian works promoting the upstart Mahayanists.[7] In the process of positing a range of buddhayanas (ways to enlightenment) the Lotus spends a lot of time ridiculing the paths of the “haughty” sravakas and pratyekabuddhas.[8] Although the sutra embraces various Dharmas as forms of some all-encompassing and ultimate vehicle, the ekayana, the Lotus clearly grades these various buddha-vehicles into better and worse,[9] and it’s not so clear that this distinction relates merely to the aptitudes of the audience. While extending the possibility of enlightenment to these sravakas and pratyekabuddhas, the Lotus seems to indicate this opportunity exists in spite of the distinct vehicles these adherents followed, rather than because of them.[10] Pye provides an exhaustingly thorough textual study of the Lotus Sutra and other pieces of Mahayana literature. He goes to great lengths to demonstrate how the concept of skillful means pervades this literature. He notes that both the Lotus and the Vimalakirti sutras devote their second chapters to upaya (18). In fact, notes Pye, Kumarajiva entitles his second chapter “Skillful Means,”[11] or in Chinese fang-pien, the occurrences of which Pye carefully enumerates. Pye feels that this chapter is key to understanding the sutra as a whole, and he decouples it from its traditional exegetical pairing with chapter fifteen on the grounds that this other chapter was added at a much later date.[12] Pye explains that chapter two begins with a large crowd of humans, gods and other creatures puzzling over a brief explanation of skillful means that the Buddha has just presented (19). The Buddha’s famous disciple Sariputra begs the Buddha for a further explanation, which the Buddha at first declines to give. Sariputra begs three times before the Buddha finally relents. As the Buddha prepares to speak, a group of “haughty” sravakas and pratyekabuddhas bow and walk out (19). By walking out, Pye says, the sravakas and pratyekabuddhas demonstrate their inability to recognize the provisional nature of all teaching (23). In Pye’s view, this chapter and the sutra as a whole are mainly concerned about this provisional nature, also known as upaya (23-24). Furthermore, Pye argues, as a “controversial new style for understanding the existing teaching” (21) this sutra is interested in doctrine only when it relates to religious practice. Pye states that from the “overall standpoint of the sutra” there are no new doctrines here, just a new approach to past teachings (20). From the standpoint of a buddha, no longer trapped in discriminative thinking, the dharma takes just one form (25). Only the audience is confused (20). The buddhas have “a perfect, unitive, inner grasp of the real nature of all diverse factors of existence,” Pye says (22). Hence, he says, the variety of teachings that are seen comes “from the side of the recipients while the buddhas have but a single purpose” (25). Pratyekabuddhas and sravakas also see a variety of teachings because they lack the non-discriminative powers of a buddha (23). The second chapter, then, emphasizes the equality of all buddhas (because all buddhas are identified with a single Dharma) and the merely provisional nature of the paths the sravakas and pratyekabuddhas have embarked on. The chapter is even prepared to downplay the importance of nirvana to illustrate the mistaken beliefs of these two groups (24). Pye notes that the Lotus claims arhats pursue nirvana because of their incomplete understanding of the Dharma, hence they “are all extremely conceited.”[14] Pye admits there is a “polemical edge” to both this statement and the scene in which sravakas and pratyekabuddhas leave the Buddha’s assembly (27). However, he states that the next sentence in the Lotus, in which the Buddha states, “There is no such thing as a monk who has really attained arhat-ship if he has not believed this Dharma,” places such polemics in context (27). Pye claims that there is no question of attempting to replace one vehicle with another, for, as the Lotus notes, “In the whole universe there are not even two vehicles, how much less a third” (27). Pye concludes that the “role of the term fang-pien in this second chapter of Kumarajiva’s translation of the Lotus Sutra is in its outlines a consistent one. Almost anything in the whole range of Buddhist teaching and practice can be described as fang-pien or skilful means” (36). Before proceeding to the rest of Pye’s arguments, let us evaluate his comments so far. He goes to great lengths to argue that as the Dharma in reality is incomprehensible to anyone other than a buddha, skillful means are essential to pass on some version of the Dharma to anyone else. However, as he points out, this statement implies sravakas and pratyekabuddhas need to recognize the limitations of their own understanding (23-24). By extension, sravakas and pratyekabuddhas are mistaken, particularly by overestimating the finality of nirvana (24). Pye even claims that the Lotus fails to give the bodhisattva-vehicle a privileged position. However, the sutra’s chapter two provides at best grudging support for the paths of the sravakas and pratyekabuddhas. In their haughtiness they refuse to listen to the Buddha’s further explanations of the Dharma. If through the use of skillful means the Buddha can speak to the wide assortment of sentient creatures present, except for the haughty sravakas and pratyekabuddhas, this seems to be an insinuation that these two groups suffer from a particularly strong streak of ignorance or stubbornness that encumbers no other members of this audience. Whatever Pye may think, quoting verses on the unitary nature of the buddha-vehicle does not change the contempt that the authors of the Lotus appear to display toward beings that the Hinayana traditions would have considered enlightened. Clearly the number of occurrences of fang-pien, and the content of the chapter itself, strongly indicate the important contribution of skillful means to the themes of the Lotus Sutra. However, the implication that the Lotus primarily concerns itself with skillful means remains unproven. Even if this proposition is granted, this cannot remove the chapter’s sectarian elements, which even Pye acknowledges when he admits the “polemical edge” of some statements. A balanced discussion needs to move beyond a simple dichotomy of either “The Lotus is tolerant” (because it talks about upaya) or “The Lotus is intolerant” (because it downplays the importance of some Hinayana vehicles). The Lotus does talk about upaya, but that doesn’t prevent the Lotus from downplaying the validity of the sravakayana and the pratyekabuddhayana. Pye analyzes other pieces of Mahayana literature such as the Vimalakirti Sutra, which applauds the skillful means of a layman when confronting the staid conservatism of the more monastically inclined. Pye provides solid textual arguments for emphasizing the preeminent position of skillful means in this literature. However, my contention remains that the presence of upayic themes in such literature does not in itself clear this literature of schismatic, derisive and unpleasant attitudes toward its rivals and predecessors. This is not to condemn the Lotus and other writings for some grievous transgression. Rather it is to point out the obvious (in my opinion at least): skillful means and sectarianism are not mutually exclusive. In fact, through its one-vehicle concept of ekayana, this literature attempts to co-opt the agendas of the Hinayanists by extending them superficial acceptance while devaluing their paths and the people who would follow them. © 2002 Jeff Lindstrom
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[1] “It remains unclear to what extent The Lotus Sutra became the centre of a particular cult” in India, notes Pye (180). However, he rejects the notion that the sutra in India was “the concern of an outcast community which in turn harshly rejected the doctrines of others” (181). He feels scholars such as Watanabe Shoko exaggerate the sutra’s “polemics against ‘Hinayana’ Buddhism” and fail “to complement this by recognising for example that Sariputra, representative of the earlier wisdom, is the first of whom future Buddhahood is predicted in terms of the new teaching” (181). This is typical of Pye’s textual analysis. He attempts to make historical arguments based on the content of the Lotus, whereas a comparison of how the Lotus and its many messages have been used historically would quickly show that the content of the Lotus can be used for many different purposes. Just look at the contrasts between Tientai and Nichiren, for instance. He further suggests that Watanabe is unduly influenced by his alleged disdain for Soka Gakkai, a modern offshoot of Nichiren (181).
[2] Pye writes of Tientai’s founder: “It was not until the time of Chih-I (538-597) that a more specialised doctrinal basis for the later sects associated with The Lotus Sutra was clearly laid. Some see his approach to the relations between the various sutras and the analysis of their contents as a departure from the way in which The Lotus Sutra was understood up till then, while others see it as a justifiable elaboration in terms of Mahayana Buddhism. But that is a question that goes beyond the present discussion” (182). Just as Pye more or less ignores the later uses to which the Lotus was put, I generally ignore the issue too. First of all, there is only so much material one can put in a short essay. Secondly, Pye and Schroeder are both making arguments concerning the motivations of the creators (writers, translators or early propagators) of the Lotus and how that affected the content of this sutra. Therefore, I’ve chosen to critique their views within the perimeters of their own scholarship.
[3] A standard textbook notes: “After pursuing many paths, [Nichiren’s] studies eventually took him to Mount Hiei, where he was drawn by the nationalistic elements in Saicho’s teachings. He came to the conclusion that Saicho had been right in basing his teachings on the Lotus Sutra, but wrong in adding to it teachings from other Sutras and schools. Only the Lotus Sutra, Nichiren felt, contained the unadulterated True Dharma. All other Buddhist sects were wrong—and not only wrong, but actually evil in that they obscured and distorted the truth, advocating the worship of false Buddhas” (Robinson and Johnson 256). However, Pye comes to Nichiren’s defence: “It is ironical that Nichiren, who criticised Amidism and Shingon for setting up misleading alternatives to the central meaning of Buddhism, not only provided a new mantra and a new mandala but also created a focus of devotion which was itself so easily open to misinterpretation. On the other hand, it should be admitted that Nichiren and his various followers have had an undeservedly bad press among western observers. Nichiren himself was a subtle mediaeval theologian, and many of his modern followers have a view of Buddhism at least as broad as that held in other Buddhist sects” (154).
[4] As one sympathetic reference book from Shambhala notes: “[The Lotus Sutra] is one of the most important sutras of Mahayana Buddhism, especially popular in China and Japan. The schools of T’ien-t’ai (Jap., Tendai) and Nichiren are based on its teaching; it is, however, recognized by all other Mahayana schools, since it contains the essential teachings of the Mahayana: the doctrines of the transcendental nature of the Buddha and of the possibility of universal liberation. It is considered in the Mahayana as that sutra that contains the complete teachings of the Buddha, in contrast to the Hinayana sutras, which contain it only partially. It is said to have been expounded by the Buddha at the end of his period of teaching. It was written down in about the year 200” (Fischer-Schreiber 206). Pye reflects this sentiment in his own summary: “Particular devotion is paid to The Lotus Sutra in the Tendai (Ch. T’ien T’ai) and Nichirenite sects of Japanese Buddhism. At the same time The Lotus Sutra is one of the classical statements of Mahayana universalism and is recognised as such by Buddhists of diverse denominations” (8).
[5] So said by the sutra itself. The closing chapter (presumably added at a later date than its opening chapters) says this about someone who need not even understand the Lotus: “If he but copies it, that person at the end of his life shall be born in the Trayastrimsa Heaven. At that time, eighty-four thousand goddesses, making music with a multitude of instruments, shall come to receive him. That man shall straightway don a crown of the seven jewels, and among the women of the harem shall enjoy himself and be gay” (Hurvitz 335). Pye considers chapters one to nine to be the “original nugget of The Lotus Sutra” (179), hence it’s reasonable to believe later chapters will more likely reveal the attitudes of the sutra’s supporters to the sutra itself.
[6] Pye is in general agreement with Fuse Kogaku’s dating of the core chapters’ verses to the first century bce and the first century ce for the core chapters’ prose. Dharmaraksa’s translation dates to 286 ce, and Kumarajiva’s to 406 ce. (Pye 179-180).
[7] As Robinson and Johnson write: “In the earliest extant expanded Sutras—such as The Small Perfection of Wisdom—the discussants are well-known figures of early Buddhism and do not disparage the Hinayanists. Eventually, however, as the Mahayanists were unable to win over the majority of their brethren, a rift widened between the two courses. For example, the Vimalakirti-nirdesa, a somewhat later Sutra, ridicules the arhants, depicting them as worthless losers to Vimalakirti’s talent for one-upmanship. Even the worst sinner still has a chance to become a Buddha, this Sutra avows, whereas the arhant is at a dead end in an inferior nirvana. The still-later Lotus (Saddharmapundarika) Sutra (circa 200 c.e.) is even more blatantly hostile to the Hinayana but adopts a seemingly conciliatory, if condescending, posture, affirming that the arhant is not really condemned to an inferior goal because there is in reality just one nirvana, that of a Buddha, which even arhants will reach in due course” (85).
[8] See Pye (19). In chapter two of Hurvitz’s translation, the Buddha describes the various people who walked out of his sermon as “[h]arbouring arrogance,” having “no faith,” and being “of slight wisdom” (32).
[9] As one of many examples, chapter four of the Lotus has Mahakasyapa, a sravaka, state: “This day we, / Having heard the Buddha’s spoken teaching, / Dance for joy / That we have gained something we had never had before. / For the Buddha says that voice-hearers / Shall be able to become Buddhas, / And a cluster of unexcelled gems, / Unsought by us, has come into our possession of its own accord” (Hurvitz 90). Even those sravakas “who were at the head of the samgha” failed to recognize the limitations of their path when they overheard the Buddha teach bodhisattvas about supreme perfect enlightenment (Hurvitz 84).
[10] As an example, in chapter two the Buddha is made to say, “To the very end [the Buddha] does not resort to the Lesser Vehicle/ to ferry the beings across,” and, “If by resort to the Lesser Vehicle I were to convert / So much as one person, / I should have fallen victim to greed, / And this sort of thing would never do” (Hurvitz 34).
[11] “Expedient Means” in the Hurvitz translation (22).
[12] See Pye (18). However, bizarrely, Pye takes an opposite position when justifying his reliance on Kumarajiva’s translation of the Lotus and not on the Sanskrit: “There is a continuous danger of circular arguments about the priority of this or that part of various texts and the way in which the same texts are carved up to reconstruct a compilation process. … The contents of the texts which Kumarajiva translated had a definite and coherent meaning for him and his associates; and they provide, in the form in which they are available to us, a significant sample of the ideas current among all later East Asian Buddhists” (7).
[13] See Pye (38). In Hurvitz’s translation: “I will now devise an expedient, whereby I shall enable the children to escape this disaster” (59).
[14] See Pye (27). Instead of “extremely conceited,” Hurvitz prefers “overweening pride”: “Sariputra, if a disciple of mine, thinking himself an arhant or a pratyekabuddha, neither has heard nor knows of these matters that the Buddhas, the Thus Come Ones, teach to bodhisattvas alone, he is no disciple of the Buddha, neither arhant nor pratyekabuddha. If such bhiksus or bhiksunis say to themselves, ‘I have already attained arhattva! This is my last body! I have perfected nirvana!’ and if then they resolve no further to seek anuttarasamyaksambodhi, be it known that this lot are all persons of overweening pride” (31).
[15] Like the Lotus itself, Schroeder wants to be inclusive and exclusive at the same time: upaya was seen in earlier forms of Buddhism, but upaya was the product of Abhidharma. However, strictly speaking I suppose Schroeder can justifiably invoke one precedent (early Buddhism) as the basis for upaya while invoking another precedent (later Abhidharma) as the cause of another kind of upaya. However, his argument of continuity conjoined with his argument of discontinuity has an overdetermined feel about it, and makes him look like he believes his conclusion is inevitable no matter what the evidence!
[16] Fischer-Schreiber’s Shambhala dictionary describes the Sautrantika as a “Hinayana school that developed out of the Sarvastivada around 150 c.e. As its name indicates, the followers of this school draw their support only from the Sutra-pitaka and reject the Abhidharma-pitaka of the Sarvastivada as well as its ‘everything is’ theory” (309). Robinson and Johnson add: “Nonetheless, in the process of defending their views against those of the Abhidharma schools, they contributed much to the development of Abhidharma thought, furnishing the Mahayana both with critiques of Sarvastivadin doctrine and with key concepts” (61). Neither of these sources, then, is characterizing Sautrantika as an Abhidharma school, whatever its influence on Abhidharma might have been.
[17] Schroeder first cites Kalupahana to prove his own point: “While the abhidharma literature offers us a glimpse into early Buddhist meditation and praxis, however, the later Abhidharma philosophers developed sophisticated metapractical arguments to justify the type of praxis embodied in the abhidharma texts. That is, they tried to philosophically justify the abhidharma as the ‘highest’ form of Buddhist praxis (Kalupahana 1986; Jayatilleke 1963)” (Schroeder 39). Later, Schroeder groups Kalupahana with other scholars who promote the metaphysical approach to Buddhism, an approach Schroeder disputes: “Most Western accounts say that Nagarjuna is dealing with metaphysical problems. According to Murti (1955) and Lay (1987), for example, Nagarjuna is arguing for a transcendental experience beyond language and conceptualization; for Sideritis (1988), he is arguing against the problem of “realism”; for Kalupahana (1986) Nagarjuna is similar to the Logical Positivists who argue against non-empirical views; and for Garfield (1995) Nagarjuna is arguing for the ‘conventional’ nature of reality” (Schroeder 100-101).