OPEN PAPER AS PDF
Statistics reveal that two
of three Canadian women have experienced sexual violence, and 54%
of girls under the age of 16 have experienced some form of unwanted
sexual attention[1]. Although men can be victims of sexual violence
and women can perpetrate sexual violence, there is a clear gender
difference when it comes to who is most likely to rape and who is
most likely to be raped: 85% of victims of sexual violence are girls
and women, and 98% of sexual offenders are men[2].
Sexual violence is in itself
an expression of social inequality. Violence against women, particularly
sexual assault, harassment and the threat of sexual assault and
harassment, can be seen as part of a continuum of a social order
that defines the relationship between women and men as one of subordination
and domination.
For girls and women from marginalized
communities, the threat of violence is, additionally, rooted in
historical dynamics of unbalanced social power. Gender, race, and
other social determinants influence the targets of sexual violence,
as well as the frequency and severity of that violence. Risk of
victimization increases if one is very young, a woman of color,
non-heterosexual or poor. Fifty percent of all Canadian women will
survive at least one incident of sexual or physical violence, but
for Aboriginal women in the same country, this number climbs to
an astounding eight in ten (80 percent)[3].
Social context is highly operant
in sexual violence. We as a society define who may acceptably harm
another, as well as to whom we tolerate harm. Nonetheless, medically
labelled “psychiatric problems” - such as substance
use, self-harm and anger - are regularly defined as pathological
in women survivors of sexual violence[4]. Certainly, medical fields
have had a long history of defining “the feminine, and consequentially
women…as unstable, deceitful…irrational” and hysterical[5].
Yet while twentieth century medical practice has largely attempted
to distance itself from this “patriarchal legacy”[6],
contemporary psychiatry continues to unselfconsciously reproduce
notions of the hysterical female when speaking of survivors of sexual
violence.
Today, psychiatric understandings
of women and girls whose lives have been touched by sexual violence
construct and reconstruct “monolithic…representations
of [female] moral goodness…sacrifice, silence, victimization
and vulnerability”[7]. The sexually-assaulted female “body”
is categorized as a biomedical phenomenon filled with symptoms,
psychiatric affliction, abnormality, victimization - and emblematic
of “the traditionally negative characteristics considered
to be feminine: duplicity, theatricality, suggestibility, instability,
weakness, passivity, excessive emotionality”[8].
Some examples of current,
reputable, medicalized takes on the bodies and psyches of sexual
assault survivors are as follows [PPT quotes]:
· “The chronically
abused person’s apparent helplessness and passivity, entrapment
in the past, depression and somatic complaints, and smoldering anger
often frustrate the people closest to them” (Judith Herman,
1992, as quoted in L. Haskell, 5)
· “We expect
that adults who were victims of sexual abuse as children might experience
significant difficulties in [a] caregiving role...Mothers who were
sexually abused as children may have difficulties responding to
their children’s bids for comfort, protection, and closeness.”
(Koren-Karie, N., David Oppenheim and Rachel Getzler-Yosef, 2004,
305-306)
· “They have
significantly more insomnia, sexual dysfunction, dissociation, anger,
suicidality, self-harm, drug addiction and alcoholism than any other
clients.” (Briere & Jordan, 2004, as quoted in L. Haskell,
4)
The most fundamental error
with psychiatric assessments of survivors of gender-based violence
is that they continue to “identify individual women”
as the problem and “the sites of the change that is necessary
to address [this] problem of women being beaten and raped”[9].
As feminist anti-violence workers, we protest: we believe there
is nothing wrong with women at all.
This work will use an anti-racist,
anti-oppression framework to identify feminist conceptualizations
of sexual violence as strategic resistance to psychiatry. Feminist
conceptualizations of sexual violence contend that “violence
against women and children cannot be cured through... treatment”.
Sexual violence is not treatable in specific female bodies because
“the violence we are talking about here is a...social problem”[10].
Locating Sexual Violence
The anti-rape movement, which
includes the work of sexual assault centres across Ontario, has
utilized an integrated feminist, anti-racist and anti-oppressive
framework to address sexual violence in Canada for over thirty years[11].
This framework maintains that “sexual violence against women
and children is power-based, gender-based, [and] structurally supported”.
The feminist framework asserts that psychiatry is a part of this
structural support: “traditional psychiatry and its institutions
are sexist and are used as a means of social control to coerce women
to adjust to and accept oppressive roles, and...punish[es] them
if they don't”[12].
Feminist support – whether
through a crisis line, counselling, lobbying, or advocacy –
“holds perpetrators accountable for [their acts of] violence”,
instead of critiquing women, or psychiatrically labelling them,
for their reactions to violence[13].
The feminist approach “does
not predetermine desired outcomes for women or put women on schedules
for “change” or recovery; nor does it identify pathology
in the ways women live their lives “or in the ways they cope
with trauma”[14]. Instead of asking about problematic symptoms
and then setting about to dispel them, a feminist approach asks
how it is that each woman has survived. “There’s an
old expression,” writes Laura Davis in her workbook for survivors
of childhood sexual abuse: “’Whatever gets you through
the night’...We all have strategies for getting by, [for]
compensating for the hurts we’ve suffered...Everyone uses
coping mechanisms. They’re helpful, necessary survival tools”[15].
Historically, “the standard[s]
for psychological strength [have] been influenced by Western [white]
male values such as autonomy, stoicism, self-determination, individualism,
and rationalism”[16]. There is “no evidence that those
traits are inherently better for living effective lives”[17];
yet these attributes and values are nonetheless used to evaluate
women, girls, and other marginalized populations – no less,
they are used to evaluate us when we are in crisis! Psychiatric
assessments of mental health do not recognize that “women
and minorities experience different crime patterns, prejudice and
bigotry, hiring and salary inequities”, and that these “lead
to different life stresses and ways of coping”[18].
A feminist framework for counselling
contests this privileging of “health” traits and values:
instead, it offers “meaningful challenges to the ways in which
we conceptualize both client "pathology" and strength[s]”[19].
A feminist framework identifies every coping behaviour, be it healthy
or less-healthy, as a “strength that allows people to deal
with oppressive environments in realistic fashion”[20]. This
reframing is particularly significant to survivors of sexual violence,
who are, overall, statistically most likely to be female, more likely
to represent marginalized populations of women and girls, and most
likely to be shamed, psychiatrized, or criminalized for their means
of coping. A recent Canadian survey, for example, identified that
young women from marginalized racial, sexual and socioeconomic groups
are most vulnerable to being targeted for sexual harassment and
sexual assault than other girls[21]; further, we know that “psychiatry
and medical institutions have a long history of discriminatory treatment
of women, First Nations people and other racialized groups, disabled
people, and lesbians and gay men”[22]. In this case, “counselling
[models] which maintain the status quo”[23], privilege hegemonic
definitions of wellness, and “label the severe distress of
women who have experienced violence and oppression in the language
of ‘mental health’[24]” symptomology are in fact
“more harmful than helpful”[25]. Feminist perspectives
reframe ostensibly problematic psychiatric “symptoms”
as useful, innovative strategy, employed by women to survive every
day. Further, it understands women as active agents in their stories:
women’s reactions to and coping strategies in the face of
violation are strategic resistance to violence, pain and fear.
Indeed, “whenever individuals
are treated badly, they resist”[26]. Feminist understandings
of sexual violence asserts women’s “resistance as ubiquitous”[27]
and resilient, as opposed to a psychiatric pathology to be contained.
In this, feminist anti-rape work understands survivors’ bodies,
emotions, and coping behaviours as constructive “site[s] of
resistance and oppression”[28].
Speaking of Sexual Violence
When psychiatry speaks of
sexual violence, it does so with a voice of decisive authority.
Psychiatry posits that only the “so-called ‘expert professional’”[29]
owns knowledge about sexual violence, its impacts, and its “cures”.
This privileging of knowledge, assessment and professional treatment
echoes the authoritarian doctor-patient relationship of the past:
“women bec[oming] transformed under the influence of male,
scientific, medical profession”; women “in need of the
moral guardianship of a ‘rational’ medical or scientific
system for care”[30].
Feminist perspectives on sexual
violence resists psychiatry’s paternalism. An equal, teamwork
relationship exists between the counsellor and the survivor. The
survivor brings expertise about herself and her own experiences,
for example; the counsellor brings expertise on coping skills and
helping resources in the community. Feminist counselling “‘competencies
include: the ability of workers to assert and reinforce boundaries
in ways that do not exploit power differences between clients and
staff, the ability of workers to talk comfortably, and in boundaried
ways, about their own experiences of marginalization”[31],
and an ongoing recognition of the skills and knowledge survivors
bring to healing work.
Within the feminist anti-rape
movement, “survivors are at the centre of the work”[32].
This work includes activities and services facilitated by sexual
assault centres, as well as larger lobbying action for legal and
systemic changes that support survivors. Survivors “know from
experience...where the gaps and traps are in systems and policies”;
they are “important agents” and experts in anti-violence
work[33]. Indeed, in feminist anti-violence activities, “knowledge,
standards and ethics...are all built on the experiences of women,”
and on “listening to women’s experiences, not as patients...but
as members of a social change movement”[34].
“In the late 1960s
and early 1970s,” writes Eileen Morrow from the Ontario Association
of Interval and Transition Houses, “energized by the civil
rights and women’s liberation movements, Ontario women who
experienced intimate violence began to talk…But women didn’t
just talk, they acted to help create their own services: Women’s
shelters, rape crisis centres, [and] women’s centres”[35].
This discussion and action was highly effective. Women survivors
and women’s rights activists together effected a “displacement
of conventional medical [including psychiatric] wisdom and authority
[with] the authority of women’s own…experiences”[36].
This woman-centred authority perseveres in feminist anti-violence
organizations today.
Naming Sexual Violence
Today we face a new challenge
as feminist understandings of sexual assault are suppressed under
“the growing tendency to label the…distress of women
who have experienced violence…in the language of ‘mental
health’[37].
While “mental health”
language and framework is certainly less pathologizing than that
of “mental illness”, like medicalization, it removes
women’s experiences from the realm of systemic struggle[38].
The focus on individual women and their mental health “obscures
the collective nature of traumatic experience”[39] and disguises
a significant social problem as a problem that women own individually
and must be cured of. Remember: two of three Canadian women have
experienced sexual violence. A “social determinant of health
approach” is often not critical enough to address the problem
of sexual violence. A social determinants of health approach promotes
a mental health framework, which encourages “changes at the
individual level in lifestyle, behaviour, and individual coping”[40].
And we as anti-violence activists will tell you, no amount of yoga,
self-defense classes, or breathing exercise by any one woman will
necessarily reduce her chances of being sexually-violated if our
laws and medical fields continue to tolerate it. Additionally, while
a mental health approach supports women in identifying healthy ways
to cope emotionally after sexual violation touches their lives,
these tools alone simply represent “means by which individuals
deal with a society that forces them to survive in an unhealthy
environment”[41]. It does not name that environment for what
it is or encourage us to acknowledge or change it.
Feminist anti-rape work urges
us to name violence as violence. The term “trauma” is
gender-neutral and avoids addressing the actual incidence of violence,
which in turn pathologizes and psychiatrizes the survivor’s
responses to it instead. When professionals speak of “trauma”,
they don’t mean a car accident or a natural disaster. When
professionals say “trauma”, we know they mean this person
has experienced violence and most often intimate partner violence,
sexual assault, incest or childhood sexual abuse.
Psychiatry presents an ongoing
threat to survivors of sexual violence. Its medicalization and credentialism
“‘consolidate’[s] victim-pathologization and class
privilege into the specialist ‘business’ of aiding and
individualizing the unfortunate”[42]. Additionally, psychiatric
explanations are increasingly used to rationalize the behaviours
of sexual offenders: for example, “’he became obsessed’,
‘sexual deviancy’, or ‘there is no cure for paedophilia’”[43].
These are just a few psychopathology attributions that have been
used in legal arguments to obscure perpetrator responsibility.
In short, psychiatric constructs
of sexual offenders and sexual assault survivors let society off
the hook.
We encourage survivors and
those that support survivors to resist psychiatrization by using
a feminist lens:
· Frame women’s
and girls’ actions and reactions as normal, human reactions
to abuse and violence, as opposed to defects to be treated
· Understand that women
and girls of differing social locations have different eactions
to and ways of coping with sexual violence
· Identify that so-called
mental health problems (i.e. Anxiety, panic attacks, depression,
and behaviors associated with mental health diagnoses such as Borderline
Personality) are normal, human reactions to abuse and violence
The feminist anti-violence
movement resists psychiatry by insisting that sexual violence against
women is one of the strongest indicators of prevailing societal
attitudes towards women and children. We believe that social and
political change – not changing individual women - will better
the lives of all women, men and children.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] METRAC Sexual Assault
Fact Sheet. http://www.metrac.org/programs/info/prevent/ass_fact.htm
[2] (Statistics Canada, “Sex
offenders,” Juristat (March 1999, pg.1)
[3] METRAC Sexual Assault
Fact Sheet. http://www.metrac.org/programs/info/prevent/ass_fact.htm
[4] Canadian Mental Health
Association: Violence and Trauma - Impact of traumatic events upon
women's mental health. http://www.ontario.cmha.ca/women
[5] Bankey, R. “La Donna
é Mobile: Constructing the Irrational Woman”. Gender,
Place and Culture, Vol. 8, No. 1. 2001, 37-38
[6] Ibid, 38
[7] Ringrose, J. (2006). “A
New Universal Mean Girl: Examining the Discursive Construction and
Social Regulation of a New Feminine Pathology”. Feminism and
Psychology, Vol 16(4), 412
[8] Bankey, R. “La Donna
é Mobile: Constructing the Irrational Woman”. Gender,
Place and Culture, Vol. 8, No. 1. 2001, 40.
[9] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
25
[10] DeKeseredy, Dr. W. S.
“Understanding Violence Against Women and Children: The Need
for a Gendered Analysis”, Presented at the 2010 OACAS Conference,
Critical Connections: Where Woman abuse and Child Safety Intersect,
Toronto, Ontario, 14
[11] Riggs, Joan. 2009. “Ontario
Coalition of Rape Crisis Centres (OCRCC) Strategic Plan”.
Ottawa, 2
[12] Ibid, 3
[13] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
25
[14] Ibid
[15] Davis, L. 1990. The Courage
To Heal Workbook. Harper & Row Publishers, Inc.: New York, NY,
144
[16] Whalen, M. and Karen
P. Fowler-Lese, Jill S. Barber, Elizabeth Nutt Williams, Ann B.
Judge, Johanna E. Nilsson, and Kozue Shibcizaki. “Counseling
Practice With Feminist-Multicultural Perspectives”. Journal
of multicultural Counseling and Development. 2004, Vol. 32, 380
[17] Ibid
[18] Whalen, M. and Karen
P. Fowler-Lese, Jill S. Barber, Elizabeth Nutt Williams, Ann B.
Judge, Johanna E. Nilsson, and Kozue Shibcizaki. “Counseling
Practice With Feminist-Multicultural Perspectives”. Journal
of multicultural Counseling and Development. 2004, Vol. 32, 379
[19] Ibid, 380
[20] Ibid, 381
[21]Wolfe and Chiodo, CAMH,
2008, p. 3.
[22] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
26
[23] Whalen, M. and Karen
P. Fowler-Lese, Jill S. Barber, Elizabeth Nutt Williams, Ann B.
Judge, Johanna E. Nilsson, and Kozue Shibcizaki. “Counseling
Practice With Feminist-Multicultural Perspectives”.
Journal of multicultural Counseling and Development. 2004, Vol.
32, 382
[24] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
28
[25] Whalen, M. and Karen
P. Fowler-Lese, Jill S. Barber, Elizabeth Nutt Williams, Ann B.
Judge, Johanna E. Nilsson, and Kozue Shibcizaki. “Counseling
Practice With Feminist-Multicultural Perspectives”. Journal
of multicultural Counseling and Development. 2004, Vol. 32, 382
[26] Coates, L. and Allan
Wade. “Telling it Like it Isn’t: Obscuring Perpetartor
Responsibility for Violent Crime”. Discourse & Society
2004: 15, 502.
[27] Ibid
[28] Bankey, R. “La
Donna é Mobile: Constructing the Irrational Woman”.
Gender, Place and Culture, Vol. 8, No. 1. 2001, 39.
[29] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
36
[30] Bankey, R. “La
Donna é Mobile: Constructing the Irrational Woman”.
Gender, Place and Culture, Vol. 8, No. 1. 2001, 40
[31] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
40
[32] Riggs, Joan. 2009. “Ontario
Coalition of Rape Crisis Centres (OCRCC) Strategic Plan”.
Ottawa, 5
[33] Ontario Association of
Interval and Transiion Houses. 2008. “Survivor Voices: Welcoming
Women to Make Change. Calling on Services and policymakers to Include
Survivors in Their Work”, vii.
[34] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
31
[35] Ontario Association of
Interval and Transition Houses. 2008. “Survivor Voices: Welcoming
Women to Make Change. Calling on Services and policymakers to Include
Survivors in Their Work”, 1
[36] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
27
[37] Ibid, 28
[38] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
27
[39] Ibid, 29
[40] Ibid
[41] Whalen, M. and Karen
P. Fowler-Lese, Jill S. Barber, Elizabeth Nutt Williams, Ann B.
Judge, Johanna E. Nilsson, and Kozue Shibcizaki. “Counseling
Practice With Feminist-Multicultural Perspectives”. Journal
of multicultural Counseling and Development. 2004, Vol. 32, 381
[42] Bonisteel, M. and Linda
Green. “Implications of the Shrinking Space for Feminist Anti-violence
Advocacy”. Presented at the 2005 Canadian Social Welfare Policy
Conference, Forging Social Futures,Fredericton, New Brunswick, Canada,
37
[43] Coates, L. and Allan
Wade. “Telling it Like it Isn’t: Obscuring Perpetrator
Responsibility for Violent Crime”. Discourse & Society
2004: 15, 505
|