document date unknown: Daniel Claus' narrative of his relations with Sir William Johnson and experiences in the Lake George fight; Lake George Celebration Executive Committee report; Native troops in our colonial possessions, ed. A. S. Walcott (Society of Colonial Wars in the State of New York: New York, 1904), pp. 7–8

In 1752 a Congress of the 6 Nations being assembled in Albany, a Society of New England people from Connecticut at the head of which was one Colo. Tyer obtained clandestinely by the means of one Jno. Lydius an Indian Deed for a Tract of Land upon Susquehanna a River called the Great Meadows alias Wayoming at Skahandowane within the Limits of the Province of Pennsylvia. upon the strength of which unjust Indian Deed and underhand Action the Connecticut people begun to take possession of Land & prepared to settle it.  The Province of Pennsylvia. alarmed at that ————* Claus Letters of Invitation in Summer of 1754 to King Henry <that is King Hendrick, or Theyanoguin> from that Government requesting him to take a Journey to Philadelphia with some of his Counsellors of Canajoharee & Mr. Claus to conduct them there, accordingly he with Difficulty prevailed upon him (Indians being even suspicious & cautious to go among white people even to Albany & Philadelphia being so much further) ————* undertake the Journy. being 12 in Number including Mr. Br. by the way of Esopus & the Mississings and as great the Mistrust & Apprehension of the Indians was to venture so far among the whites, as great was also the Curiosity of the Inhabitants to see King Henry and his Attendants, none of the Six Nations having ever passt thro that part of the Country.  And on coming into the Skirts of the Province of Pennsylia. & Bethlehem the Moravian Settlemt. some men of the Anabaptists with long Beards made their appearance to have a view of the Indns. at which they were so terrified (having never seen long bearded Man before) that they fled from them like frightened children, putting themselves under Mr. Claus's protection.  The News of the Indians Approach soon reached Philadia. and a little Distance from yt. Town some of the Govrs. Council and other Gentlemen met the Indians with the Govrs. Compliments desiring they would halt a little & then proceed slow thro the Town as the Citizens intended to receive them in a complimentary Manner.  Accordingly entering Second Street coming from Germantown the Town Militia was drawn up on both sides & a numerous populace assembled & following with Acclamations of Huzza for King Henry untill he entered the State House where the Governor & Council received and complimented him and every imaginable respect to Friendship was shown him by every one that had an opportunity of having his Company. He stayed about Ten days during which Time he repeatedly assured the Governor in Council that the Connecticut purchase was made clandestinely by Mr Lydius at Albany with a few drunken Oneida Indians without the Knowledge & Consent of the Six Nations in Council and the Signers of the Indian Deed had not the least Right or Claim to the Lands they sold.  And that on his Return he would acquaint the Body of the Confederacy with it and have the purchase made null & void by a public Decree of the whole Body, & ascertain and publish the just Claim & Property of the Lands to the Proprietors of Pennsylvania. Mr. Claus returned with K. Henery by Esopus & Albany where Capt. ————* fell in Love with Ms. Mary Brant who was then pretty likely not havg. had the small pox. In Spring 1755 the war with France broke out on account of their Encroachment upon the Kings Territories on the Ohio.

*Illegible in original manuscript. <Note that, according to Milton W. Hamilton, Sir William Johnson: Colonial American, 1715–1763 (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1976), p. 346 n. 12, there are "a number of minor errors and misreadings" in the 1904 printed edition of Claus's manuscript.>

21-10-1761: The Papers of Sir William Johnson, vol. XIII, ed. Milton W. Hamilton (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1962), p. 271

Wednesday <October> 21st. — A fine morning, and warm day. Embarked at 8 o'clock. At the Three River Rift, met Sir Robert Davis⁹⁷ and Captain Etherington, who gave me a packet of letters from General Amherst, and a copy of a treaty held at Easton, in August, by Mr. Hamilton⁹⁸ of Philadelphia, and some scattering Indians about that part of the country; all of little or no consequence. Encamped about three miles above the Three Rivers. Captain Etherington told me Molly was delivered of a girl;⁹⁹ that all were well at my house, where they stayed two days.

⁹⁷Sir Robert Davers. See Johnson Papers, 3:759; 4:150.

⁹⁸Lt. Governor James Hamilton of Pennsylvania.

⁹⁹Elizabeth, Sir William's daughter by Mary Brant.

27-06-1763: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 173. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1763 June> 27 Albany     <Letter to William Johnson from >John Macomb about articles sent in care of Mr Van Eps, and others desired by Mrs Brant.

25-09-1763: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 180. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1763 September> 25 Albany     <Letter to William Johnson from >John Macomb about an account sent and an order for oil to be filled, and Mrs Brant's complaint regarding a stove.

19-02-1764: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 205. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1764 Feb.> 19 New York     <Letter to William Johnson from >W[itha]m Marsh about orders executed for Johnson, John Heath Mullis, a butler shipped with Captain Gage, who sails to the Visch-Kilns, bodily sufferings, the machinations of disloyal "imps" regarding the K<ayaderosser>a patent [8:42], a new delay in the suit regarding his office, a scheme of the lawyers to exclude members of the established church from the profession, Quincey's Dispensatory, "which so particularly points out the proper Medicines for every Disorder," and French clover and La Lucerne seeds for Johnson Hall; with compliments to Brandt, Molly and others.

17-06-1768: The papers of Sir William Johnson, vol. XIII, ed. Milton W. Hamilton. Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1962), p. 532

1768		Sir William Johnson Baronet . . .	Dr.
June	10	To 45lb. Nails ℘ Overseer at 11d. ℘ . . .			£ 2	1<s.>	3<d.>
	17	To 5 yds Check ℘ Molly @ 2/10 ℘ . . . £ . 14.<s.> 2<d.> 4 ditto blue Camblett 4/ . . . . 16. 2½ ditto ditto Shalloon 3/9 . . . 9. 4½ 1 black Breeches pattern . . . 14. — 1 pair black knee Garters . . . 3. — 2 Sticks Mohair . . . 1. 6 1 doz large black Mohair Buttons . . . 1. 6 2 yds Black Callomancoe . . . 6. 6 1½ ditto ditto Shalloon . . . 5. 7½ ½ ditto Buckram . . . 1. 3 15 Small and 2 large Mohair Buttons . . . 1. 3 Black Sewing Silk . . . 1. 6			£ 3	15	8

<The account continues on, recording debts for subsequent months.>

¹Robert Adems account book, property of his descendant, William H.Van Voast, Johnstown.

17-11-1768: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 406. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1768 November> 17 Albany     <Letter from >John Wetherhead to [Sir William Johnson], mentioning the arrival of some slaves, who will be sent to Mr Phyn, introducing Mr Wall, a schoolmaster, and sending an apology to Miss Molly.

17-11-1768: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 407. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1768 November> 17 Albany     <Letter to William Johnson from >Joseph Chew about incidents of the journey from Johnson Hall, the best road to New London, "a great Son of Liberty," gratitude for favors, Sir William's benevolence; with a word to Miss Molly.

23-01-1769: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 414. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1769 January> 23 Niagara     <Letter to William Johnson from >Captain Norman MacLeod, mentioning the general's order concerning the commissary, trouble between Canundaweea and the soldiers, a belt from the Five Nations to the Chippawas, provisions furnished to Indians, needs of the blacksmith, a present to Molly, Decouaigne's speeches to the Indians, MacLeod's need of a house away from the commandant and the chances of employment under the provinces.

10-12-1769: The papers of Sir William Johnson, vol. VII, ed. Almon W. Lauber (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1931), p. 973

[	]	To 72 Cwt. Gun powder ℘ my Fathers Waggoner . . .			£7..	0..	0
[	]	To 2½ dozen Buttens ℘ order . . .			0..	3..	9
[    ]	12	To 6 Scipple Course Salt ℘ Van Sicklans order . . .			1..	16..	0
	20	To 4 ditto . . . . . . . . . . . . ditto . . . . . . . . . . . .	6/		1..	4..	0
	30	1 Tapborrer ℘ Sert. Boy . . .				1..	6
Decr.	7	To 20 Blankits of 111 points ℘ order . . .	12/		12..	0..	0
		To 6 white Shirts . . .	14/		4..	4..	0
		To 6 ditto Courser . . .	11/		3..	6..	0
		To paid for Carrige to the Hall . . .			..	4..	—
	10	To 1 Lock ℘ Molly . . .			..	2..			30..	1..	3
					——	——	——
		To 1 Slay Line 2½ lbs. . . .	1/6			3..	9
	19	To 2 Blankits of 111 points ℘ self	14/		1..	8..	0

<The account continues on, recording debts for subsequent months.>

<Note: A different version of this same account is printed in The papers of Sir William Johnson, vol. VII, ed. Almon W. Lauber (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1931), p. 33, which is reproduced below for comparison>

1769
Septemr	5	To ½ Cwt. Gun powder ℘ my Fathers Waggoner			£7	0	0
	21	To 2½ dozen Buttons ℘ order to an Onandaga Indian	6/			3	9
Novr:	12	To 6 Scipple Course Salt ℘ Van Sicklands order	6/		1	16	—
	20	To 4 ditto ℘ ditto	6/		1	4	—
	30	To 1 Tap Borer ℘ Sevt. Hanses Brother				1	6
Decr:	7	To 20 Blankits of 111 points ℘ order	12/		12	—	—
		To 6 White Shirts ℘ ditto	14/		4	4	—
		To 6 ditto ℘ ditto	11/		3	6	—
		To Cash paid for bringing the Blankits to the Hall				4	—
	10	To 1 Lock ℘ Molly				2	—
		To 1 Slay Line 2½ lbs	1/6			3	9
	19	To 2 Blankits of 111 points ℘ Self	14/		1	8	—

<The account continues on, recording debts for subsequent months.>

21-02-1770: Calendar of the Sir William Johnson manuscripts in the New York state library, ed. Richard E. Day (Albany: The University of the State of New York, 1909), p. 445. Note: The following is Richard E. Day's summary of the contents of a letter that no longer exists. The text of the letter was never recorded, and the letter itself was lost in the fire of 1911

<1770 Feb.> 21     <Letter to William Johnson from >John B. Van Eps, mentioning Mr Van Schaick, Simon Brazen, Farrel Wade, Colonel Clauss and Mad'm Molly.

16-10-1777: Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. VIII, ed. Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Co., 1857), pp. 718–723

Sir,

    I take the liberty to give you such an account of the expedition I was appointed to this campaign, as my capacity will permit me, and which tho' tedious, I used all the conciseness in my power.

    On my arrival at Quebec 1st June, Sir Guy Carleton being at Montreal, my letter from my Lord George Germain was forwarded to him by Lieutenant Govr Cramahe that day, and myself arrived there a few days after.  I waited on Sir Guy who acknowledged the receipt of the letter, but said nothing farther upon it, than addressing himself to Capt. Tice, who was in England with Joseph and then at the Levy, that I had now the command of him and those Indian Officers and Indians that were destin'd for Brigadier St Ledgers expedition.  A day or two after I waited on him again for his orders and instructions and asked what rank I was to have on the Expedition  He replied only on the later; that it could not be settled here.  I then spoke about the Equipments necessary for Indians going on service.  He said I shou'd find every thing ready on my meeting with Lt Col. Jn^o Butler Deputy to Col. Johnson.  Finding there was a sufficiency in the Indian Store at Montreal after serving General Burgoynes Indians, I applied for the most requisite articles for an Indian Expedition for fear such might have been expended by Col. Butler, and if not, cou'd be returned again, such as a few arms, pipehatchets, tomyhawks, knives, kettles, vermilion, Indian shoes, flints &c  I was told I shou'd find all these things with Col. Butler.

    Some time before our march I informed myself of Sir Guy Carleton, of the state Fort Stanwix was in; he told me that by the latest accounts from Col. Butler, there was 60 men in a picketed place;—determined to be sure I dispatched one John Hare an active Indian Officer with the Mohawk chief John Odiserundy, to collect a small party of Indians at Swegachy and reconnoitre Fort Stanwix, as well as possible and bring off some prisoners if they could.

    On the 23d June I set out from La Chine near Montreal.  The Brigadier who was getting the artillary boats ready to take in 2 six's, 2 three's and 4 Cohorns (being our artillery for the expedition) was to follow the day after; and proceeded for an Island destin'd for our rendezvous in the entrance of Lake Ontario, called Buck Island, in company with Sir John Johnson and his Regiment; in my way thither I collected a body of 150 Misisagey and 6 Nation Indians.  All the Indians of the inhabited part of Canada whom I had under my care for 15 years, and was best acquainted with were destin'd for General Burgoyne's army.  The Misisagey and 6 Nations, the Brigadier intended should accompany him in an alert to Fort Stanwix, by a short cut thro' the woods, from a place called Salmon Creek on Lake Ontario, about 20 miles from Oswego; in order to surprise the garrison and take it with small arms.

    Between 60 and 70 leagues from Montreal my reconnoitring party returned, and met me, with 5 prisoners (one Lieutenant) and 4 scalps, having defeated a working party of 16 rebels as they were cutting sodd, towards repairing and finishing the Old Fort, which is a regular square and garrisson'd by upwards of 600 men, the repairs far advanced and the rebels expecting us and were acquainted with our strength and rout.  I immediately forwarded the prisoners to the Brigadier who was about 15 leagues in our rear.  On his arrival within a few leagues of Buck Island he sent for me, and talking over the intelligence the rebel prisoners gave, he owned that if they intended to defend themselves in that Fort, our artillery was not sufficient to take it, however he said, he has determined to get the truth of these fellows.  I told him that having examined them seperately they agreed in their story.  And here the Brigadier had still an opportunity and time of sending for a better train of artillery and wait for the junction of the Chasseurs, which must have secured us success, as every one will allow.  However he was still full of his Alert, making little of the prisoners intelligence.

    On his arrival at Buck Island the 8th July, he put me in orders as Superintendant of the Expedition and impower'd me to act for the best of my judgment for his Majesty's service, in the management of the Indians on the Expedition as well as what regarded their Equipments presents &c he being an entire stranger thereto.  There was then a vessell at the Island which had some Indian Goods on board, which Col. Butler had procur'd for the Expedition but upon examination I found that almost every one of the above articles I demanded at Montreal, were deficient, and a mere impossibility to procure them at Buck Island, had I not luckily provided some of those articles before I left Montreal, at my own risque, and with difficulty Brigadier St Ledger found out 30 stand of arms in the Artillery Store at Swegachy, and I added all my eloquence to satisfy the Indians about the rest.

    The Brigadier sat out from the Island upon his Alert, the 19th July, I having been ordered to proceeded <sic> to Oswego with Sir John Johnson's regiment and a Company of Chasseurs lately arriv'd, there to convene & prepare the Indians to join the Brigadier at Fort Stanwix.  On my arrival at Oswego 23d July I found Joseph Brant there; who acquainted me that his party, consisting of about 300 Indians, would be in that day, and having been more than 2 months upon service, were destitute of necessaries, ammunition, and some arms.  Joseph at the same time complaining of having been very scantily supplied by Col. Butler, with ammunition when at Niagara in the spring, altho' he acquainted Col. Butler of his being threaten'd with a visit from the rebel General Herkemer¹ of Tryon County, and actually was afterwards visited by him with 300 men with him, and 500 at some distance; when Joseph had not 200 Indians together, but resolutely declaring to the Rebel General that he was determined to act against them for the King, he obliged them to retreat with more menaces, not having 20 lb. of powder among his party.

    The 24th of July I received an express from Brigadier St Ledger, at Salmon Creek, about 20 miles from Oswego, to repair thither with what arms and vermilion I had, and that he wished I wou'd come prepared for a march thro' the woods.  As to arms and vermilion I had none, but prepared myself to go upon the March, and was ready to set off, when Joseph came into my tent and told me that as no person was on the spot to take care of the number of Indians with him, he apprehended in case I shou'd leave them they wou'd become disgusted, and disperse, which might prevent the rest of the 6 Nations to assemble, and be hurtfull to the Expedition and beged I wou'd first represent those circumstances to the Brigadier by letter.  Brigadier St Ledger mention'd indeed, my going was chiefly intended to quiet the Indians with him, who were very drunk and riotous, and Capt. Tice, who was the messenger, informed me that the Brigadier order'd the Indians a quart of rum apiece, which made them all beastly drunk, and in which case it is not in the power of man to quiet them.  Accordingly I mention'd to the Brigadier by letter the consequences that might affect His Majesty's Indian interest in case I was to leave so large a number of Indians that were come already and still expected.  Upon which representation and finding the Indians disapproved of the plan & were unwilling to proceed, the Brigadier came away from Salmon Creek and arriv'd the next day at Oswego with the Companies of the 8th and 34th Regiments and about 250 Indians.

    Having equiped Joseph's party with what necessarys and ammunition I had, I appointed the rest of the 6 Nations to assemble at the 3 Rivers, a convenient place of rendezvous, and in the way to Fort Stanwix, and desired Col. Butler to follow me with the Indians he brought with him from Niagara, and equip them all at the 3 Rivers.

    The 26th of July left Oswego, and 2d of August arrived with the Brigadier and the greatest part of the troops before Fort Stanwix, which was invested the same evening.  The enemy having stoped up a narrow river called Wood Creek by cutting of trees across it for about 20 miles, along which our Artillery provisions and baggage was to pass, which passage to cut open required a number of men, as well as cutting a road thro' the woods for 25 miles, to bring up the Artillery stores &c that were immediately wanted, which weaken'd our small army greatly.  The 3d 4th and 5th the Indians surrounded the Fort and fired from behind logs and rising grounds, at the garrison, wherever that had an object, which prevented them from working at the Fortifications in the day.  The 5th <of August> in the afternoon, accounts were brought by Indians sent by Joseph's sister from Conajoharee, that a body of rebels were on their march and wou'd be within 10 or 12 miles of our camp that night.  A detachment of about 400 Indians was ordred to reconnoitre the enemy. Sir John Johnson asked leave to join his company of Light Infantry and head the whole, which was granted: Col. Butler and other Indian Officers were ordered with the Indians.  The rebels having an imperfect account of the number of Indians that joined us, (being upwards of 800) not thinking them by ¼ as many, and being sure as to our strength and artillery (which we learned by prisoners) that they knew it from their emissarys before we left Canada.  They therefore on the 6th marched on, to the number of upwards of 800, with security and carelessness.  When within 6 miles of the Fort they were waylayed by our party, surprised, briskly attacked and after a little resistance, repulsed and defeated; leaving upwards of 500 killed on the spot, among which were their principal officers and ringleaders, their General was shot thro' the knee, and a few days after died of an amputation.  We lost Captains Hare and Wilson of the Indians, Captain Lieut McDonald of Sir John's Regiment 2 or 3 privates and 32 Indians, among which were several Seneka chiefs killed.  Captain Watts,² Lieut Singleton of Sir John's regiment and 33 Indians wounded.  During the action when the garrisson found the Indians Camp (who went out against their reinforcement) empty, they boldly sally'd out with 300 men and 2 field pieces and took away the Indians packs, with their cloaths, wampum and silver work, "they having gone in their shirts, or naked, to action;" and when they found a party advancing from our Camp, they returned with their spoil, taking with them Lieut Singleton and a private of Sir John's Regiment who lay wounded in the Indian Camp.  The disappointment was rather greater to the Indians than their loss, for they had nothing to cover themselves at night, or against the weather, & nothing in our Camp to supply them till I got to Oswego.  After this defeat and having got part of our artillery up, some Cohorn shells were thrown into the Fort, and a few shot <sic> fired, a flag then was sent with an account of the disaster of their intended relief, and the garrisson was summoned to surrender prisoners of war, to be marched down the country, leaving baggage &c behind, to satisfy the Indians for their losses.  The rebels knowing their strength in garrisson as well as fortification and the insufficiency of our field pieces to hurt them, and apprehensive of being massacred by the Indians for the losses they sustained in the action; they rejected the summons and said they were determined to hold out to the extremity.  The siege then was carried on with as much vigor as possible, for 19 days, but to no purpose.  Sir John Johnson proposed to follow the blow given to the reinforcement (who were chiefly Mohawk River people) to march down the country with about 200 men, and I intended joyning him with a sufficient body of Indians; but the Brigadier said he could not spare the men, and disapproved of it.  The inhabitants in general were ready (as we afterwards learned) to submit and come in.  A flag then was sent to invite the inhabitants to submit and be forgiven, and assurance given to prevent the Indians from being outragious; but the commanding Officer of the German Flatts hearing of it, seized the Flag consisting of Ensign Butler of the 8th regiment 10 soldiers and 3 Indians, and took them up as spies.  A few days after, General Arnold coming with some cannon and a reinforcement, made the Inhabitants return to their Obedience.  The Indians finding that our besieging the Fort was of no effect, our troops but few, a reinforcement as was reported of 1500 or 2000 men with field pieces by the way, began to be dispirited, and fell off by degrees.  The Chiefs advised the Brigadier to retreat to Oswego and get better artillery from Niagara, and more men, and so return and renew the siege; to which the Brigadier agreed, and accordingly retreated on the 22d of August.  On our arrival at Oswego the 26th and examining into the state of the troops necessaries, the men were without shoes and other things which only could be got at Montreal, the Brigadier at the same time having received a letter from General Burgoyne to join him, either by a march thro' the woods back of Tryon County (which was impracticable) or the way he came.  He adopted the later, on account of procuring necessarys for the men.  The Indians were as much as possible reconciled to this resolution with a promise that they shou'd be conven'd as soon as Col. Butler cou'd return from Montreal with some necessarys for them.

    There being Indian Traders at Oswego, I saw myself under a necessity to cloath those Indians that lost their packs by the rebels at Fort Stanwix, which made them return home contented.

    Thus has an expedition miscarried, merely for want of timely and good intelligence.  For it is impossible to believe that had the Brigadier St Ledger known the real state of the Fort and Garrisson of Fort Stanwix, he could possibly have proceeded from Montreal without a sufficient train of artillery and his full complement of troops.  And yet by what I find, very large sums have been expended on Account of Government at Niagara, upon the Indians these 2 years past, and they at the same time kept inactive: whereas had these presents been properly applied, the Six Nations might not only prevent Fort Stanwix from being reestablished, but even let not a rebel come near it, or keep it up; it being almost in the heart of their country, and they with reluctance saw the Crown erect a Fort there last war.  All the good done by the expedition was, that the Ringleaders and principal men of the rebels of Tryon County were put out of the way; but had we succeeded it must be of vast good effect to the Northern operations, and it's miscarrying I apprehend, to my deep concern, to be the reverse.

    Col. Butler on his arrival at Quebec with Sir Guy Carleton and producing his Account previous to Fort Stanwix Expedition had immediate payment ordered him, without even examining the currency, which at Niagara is that of York, and it was paid him in Hallifax better than ⅓ more; himself discovering the mistake, he was desired to give the Crown credit for it: and upon proposing to raise a Regiment of Rangers at Niagara or its neighbourhood, which after miscarrying at Fort Stanwix is highly improbable, it was granted him.  All the Rangers he can muster up at present are not 50, who were chiefly engaged under Col. Johnson, and never intended to be established into a separate corps.  The origin of Rangers since the late Sir William Johnson's time, was to intermix them with the Indians when on service, and be commanded by the Indian Officers.  Formerly none but what were acquainted with the Indians and their language were admitted, and received half a Crown pay; now that distinction tho' essentially necessary is no more made, which makes his commission become an additional useless expence, tho' very beneficial to him.

    I having staid a fortnight at Oswego after Col. Butler, and left it with the Brigadier on my return to Canada and meeting with Sir Guy Carleton at St Johns on my way to Tyconderoga, at the same time pushed by the merchants that furnished me with Indian goods at Montreal and Oswego; asked him for a warrant to see them paid.  He reply'd he cou'd not transact any money matters there, but referr'd me to his examining into what had been advanced Col. Butler and others, on Col. Johnsons account; which I told him I thought I had no concern with; my appointment being directed to be paid from a different channel, I should imagine it the same with the expences; so trifling in comparison to the others.  But I remonstrated to no purpose, and therefore saw myself obliged to return to Montreal to satisfy my creditors; they wanting to send remittances by the London vessells which were ready to sail tomorrow, and under necessity to draw on the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury for £1500 sterling in two drafts, which I take the liberty of advising you of, begging your representing to their Lordships the urgent reasons for so doing.

    I am with great respect

                        Sir

Your most obedient and obliged humble Servant

    P. S.  Before I left Oswego, I ordered three of Col. Johnson's Indian Officers to reside in the Six Nation country. They are people well liked, intimate and held in esteem by them. Their residence is to be in the Seneka and Cayouga towns. I gave them ample directions & instructions in writing, how to act, and endeavour to prevent any intercourse with them and the rebels, and as much as possible promote His Majesty's interest among them, and making them sensible of the advantage and satisfaction they have, in being plentifully supplied in merchandize by the traders, by means of the Kings ships cruizing in the Mouth of the River St Lawrence to prevent the rebel ships from interrupting that trade.

    To William Knox Esquire

¹Brigadier-General Nicholas Herkimer was the oldest son of Johan Jost Herkimer, a Palatine, and one of the original patentees of Burnetsfield, Herkimer county, New-York.  He was commissioned a Lieutenant in the Schenectady militia 5th January, 1758, and commanded Fort Herkimer that year when the French and Indians attacked the German Flats.  In 1760 he lived in the Canajoharie district.  In 1775 he was appointed Colonel of the 1st battalion of militia in Tryon county, and represented his district in the County Committee of Safety, of which he was chairman.  On 5th September, 1776, he was commissioned Brigadier-General of the Tryon county militia by the Convention of the State of New-York, and 6th August, 1777, commanded the American forces at the battle of Oriskany, where he received a ball which fractured his leg.  After the action he was conveyed to his home, in the present town of Danube, a few miles east of Little Falls, where the limb was unskilfully amputated, in consequence of which he died some ten days after, in about the 50th year of his age.  General Herkimer was twice married.  Congress passed a resolution requesting the Governor and Council of New-York to erect a monument, at the expense of the United States, to the memory of this brave son of New-York, but, strange as it may appear, the resolution still remains a dead letter. Stone's Brant; Benton's History of Herkimer County.—Ed.

²Major Stephen Watts, fourth son of the Hon. John Watts (supra, p. 590), and Ann de Lancey, was born in New-York December 24th, 1754.  He was an officer in Sir John Johnson's "Royal Greens" and lost a leg in the battle of Oriskany.   He went to England soon after and married Miss Nugent.—Ed.

06-11-1777: Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol. VIII, ed. Edmund Bailey O'Callaghan (Albany: Weed, Parsons & Co., 1857), pp. 723–726

Sir

    Before the sailing of the London vessells under the convoy of the Warwick man of War, I made a second application to Sir Guy Carleton, for the payment of the Indian expences incurred during Fort Stanwix expedition under my Superintendency and by authority of the Officer that commanded it, urging at the same time the importunity of the people that advanced me the Indian goods &c that in case I could pay them here I might stop the bills and save their Lordships the trouble of paying them at home.  I received Sir Guy Carleton's answer by letter, that his having issued several warrants on account of the Department of the Five Nations to Col. Butler and others, particularly to the former for a draft of upwards of £4000 but the other day, he thought it now highly necessary to put the direction of those matters under one person which was the Commanding Officer of Niagara, to whom he must refer me.

    Seeing this being done merely to expose me and give me trouble, there being no such thing this time of the year as getting the Accounts or a letter to Niagara without great expense and perhaps no answer to be expected before May or June next and my creditors unwilling to wait so long, I saw myself under a necessity to let the Bills go to England; not doubting their Lordships will accept them as public expences incurred by authority of His Majesty's Officer commanding an expedition; without which I should never have acted, and who if any was the properest person to inspect them; Col. Bolton¹ the Commanding Officer at Niagara being perhaps 200 miles from the spot where they were expended and as yet an entire stranger to the business, as any Commanding Officer unacquainted with Indian Affairs must be, such expenses being of so different a nature from the regulated services of the Crowns.  I conversed with Brigadier Maclean and acquainted him what step I was obliged to take in the affair.  He was observing that myself as Superintendent of that Expedition ought to have inspected Col. Butler's accounts as having been on the spot where they were expended, and best acquainted with what was delivered to the Indians.  My 15 years Indian expences as Superintendent and only Indian Officer in this Province, during which time I had a 2 years Indian war to manage & engage Indians against Indians who were in the French time allies, did not amount to one fourth the sum to what I hear Mr Butler's expences do within these 2 years, and that expended merely to keep the Indians inactive, contrary to their inclination; and yet they were passt by the Commanding Officers of Niagara and paid by Sir Guy Carleton as expences to be charged to Col Johnsons Department, and he an entire stranger to it.  But I consider my expences distinct from the other Departments, and such as incurred upon an extraordinary occasion, and therefore to come under the head of Army Contingencies, there having been Nations of three different Indian Departments employed in that expedition besides I should not wish them to be blended with such enormous sums nominally spent upon the 6 Nations.  It is the opinion of severall that had I not appeared at the Expedition and Joseph acted so indefatigably and cleverly with his party as to cause an emulation, the Six Nations would not have been encouraged to act (when the rebels advanced upon us) by Col. Butler, they having declared publicly that they were not called to war, but to a Congress to be held at Oswego, and receive presents; the Detroit Indians alledged that for a reason for coming unprepared for war and with so few men.

    Joseph, since his arrival from England has showed himself the most faithful and zealous subject His Majesty can have in America, in Indian matters, and deserves to be noticed as such. He is now busy among the Six Nations and has been with them these several weeks past; he is perfectly acquainted with Mr Butlers sentiments and conduct and disapproved of them; for which the latter dislikes him.  I have fully wrote him and given him my opinion and sentiments how to act with the 6 Nations, and I am persuaded he will carry his point and bring them to action before Col. Butler gets among them, they having partly engaged to me before I left Oswego so to do, and be revenged upon the rebels for the loss of their chiefs at Fort Stanwix and for some of their peoples being put in irons and confined at Albany, and I expect daily to hear their putting it in execution, they having acquainted all the Western Nations with their Intention, and advised them to follow their example, before I came away from Oswego; and I accompanied their messages with some from me, confirmed by large strings of Wampum.  And by what I could learn from the messenger, of the Nations living on the Ohio and Misisipy, they are all in the King's interest, and when they find the Northern Indians, of their sentiments, they will act with more vigor and spirit.  The Six Nations metaphorically say, that our Hatchet is dull, on account of being restrained these 2 years from acting against the rebells, and our expedition to Fort Stanwix not sufficiently equipt, that they intend taking up the Hatchet their forefathers gave them, which was burried in a deep pit, but very sharp, and would force its way wherever pointed, without controul; at the same time they declare that they only mean to restore peace to the country, and make the King's children to repent and return to their duty.

    Sir Guy Carleton has ordered one fourth of the presents sent from England for the Canada Indians, to be delivered to Col. Butler for the use of the Six Nations; which I think well judged, since Col Johnson could not deliver his as yet, and they being told of and expected it impatiently: but Col. Butler has thought proper to add some more goods on his own account and 50 puncheons of rum, a quantity that must rather obstruct than forward the Indian service.

    It is evident that Sir Guy Carleton dislikes my appointment being from home, which I apprehended before I left England; for he has not given me any positive order or direction as yet in Indian affairs.  However I shall (without giving offence) endeavour to do my utmost in promoting His Majesty's Indian interest wherever I am; flattering myself to be countenanced in it by Government; for the Indians in this Province as every one will allow are much discontented on account of indifferent usage received during their Campaign with General Burgoyne, and they having no person here to converse with or confide in, I cannot prevent them to come and advise with me, tho' I discourage them as much as with prudence I well can do.

    On my arrival here with Brigadier St Ledger's rear, I received Brigadier MacLeans orders (as by Copy annexed) to collect as many Indians as I could, and send them to St Johns' (Tiyondarogo being then invested by the rebels.)  I sent as many as were at home, and proceeded myself with the last party in order to go on to Tiyondarogo, the Indians being unwilling to go without me.  On my arrival at St Johns, I waited on Sir Guy for his orders.  He said he had none to give me, and I might do as I pleased, and then put me off with my account of Indian expences during the Campaign; and altho' I intended at any rate to proceed to Tiyondarogo, having promised Sir John Johnson to follow him, who was to join General Burgoyne, I found myself under a necessity to return to Montreal in order to arrange matters with the people I had Indian goods from.  Such like friques and jealousies I am afraid have been rather hurtfull to our Northern operations last Campaign.

    The Indian action near Fort Stanwix happening near a settlement of Oneida Indians in the rebels interest, who were at the same time in arms against our party; the Six Nation Indians, after the action, burnt their houses, destroyed their fields, crops, &c killed and carried away their Cattle.  This the rebel Oneidas, after our retreat, revenged upon Joseph's Sister and her family (living in the Upper Mohawk Town) on Joseph's account; robbing them of cash, cloaths, cattle &c and driving them from their home; then proceeded to the Lower Mohawk Town and dealt in the same manner with the poor women & children whose husbands were in the King's service.

    Joseph's sister and family fled to Onondaga the Council place of the 6 Nations, laying her grievances before that body.  The Six Nations with whom she always had a great sway during the late Sir William Johnson's life time, and even now, and I understand the Six Nations have decreed to render her satisfaction by committing hostilities upon that tribe of Oneida rebels that committed the outrage.  The Lower Mohawk families were obliged to flee to this place to the number of 100 souls, where they threw themselves under my care, being entire strangers in the country.  I acquainted Sir Guy Carleton with their distressed situation, asking his orders and directions about them.  He wrote me in answer "that he should give orders to one of Major Campbells Deputies to take care of them as much as he could:" which realy surprized me, having been oblidged to furnish them for 8 days with lodging cloaths and provisions (before I could receive an answer from Quebec,) unless I would let them for that time, or longer, lay in the streets hungry & naked, after their long and faithfull services and attachment to Government, no officer of the Canada Department being in town.  The person who is to have the care of them is an entire stranger to their language, manners, and every thing else; they at the same time knowing my having an appointment from home for their District, must think very odd of it, and indeed it is impossible for me to disengage myself entirely from them while here; shall therefore endeavour to act so as not to displease them or government.  This Deputy of Major Campbell's, as I am told, is one of the gentlemen who by their harsh and indiscreet treatment of the Indians, were the occasion of the greatest part of them to quit General Burgoyne's army, which emboldened the rebels to assemble in such numbers about it, when before they were in awe of the Indians.

    I find that what a Gentleman acquainted about head quarters told me the other day, to turn out as he said, "that had my appointment been made thro' any one else but my Lord George Germaine, things would go smooth between me and Sir Guy"

    I have the honor to be, with great respect

                        Sir,

To William Knox Esquire

Your most obliged humble Servant

&        &        &

Daniel Claus.

¹Lieutenant-Colonel Mason Bolton became Lieutenant in the 9th Foot on 2d October, 1755; was promoted to a company in that regiment 23d March, 1764, in which year the 9th was sent to Florida.  The regiment served in America until 1769, and he was appointed its Major 31st May, 1773.  On the 11th November, 1776, he became Lieutenant-Colonel of the 8th or King's foot, then in America, and continued in that command until November, 1780, when his name disappears from the Army Lists.—Ed.

23-06-1778: Library and Archives Canada, Daniel Claus and family fonds, MG 19 F1, volume 2, pages 29–32, letter written by Mary Brant <to Daniel Claus regarding a recent encounter with rebels>, 23 June 1778, online MIKAN no. 3098187 (2 items)

Dear Sir,

I have been favor'd with Yours, and the Trunk & parcels by Mr. Street; everything mentioned in the Invoice You sent me has come safe, except the pair of gold Ear rings, which I have not been able to find.

    We have a report of Joseph having had a brush with the Rebels, but do not know at what place. A Cayuga Chief is said to be <a correction here> Wounded, and Schohary Indian (Jacob) killed, & one missing since when it's reported that Colonel Butler, & Joseph have Joined; Every hour we look for a confirmation of this news.

    I am much obliged to You for the care, & attention in sending me up those very necessary articles; & should be very glad if you have any accounts from New York that you would let me know them. as well as of the health of George, & Peggy, whom I hope are agreably settled; My Children are all in good health, & desire their loves to You, Mrs. Claus, Lady, & Sir John Johnson. I hope the Time is very near, when we shall all return to our habitations on the Mohawk River.

05-10-1779: Library and Archives Canada, Daniel Claus and family fonds, MG 19 F1, volume 2, pages 135–136, letter written by Mary Brant <to Daniel Claus regarding Col. Guy Johnson and General Haldimand>, 5 October 1779, online MIKAN no. 3098188 (2 items)

Sir,

We arraived here the 29th. last month after Tedaous and dissagreeable Voyage, where we remain and by all Appearance may for the winter, I have rote to Colonel Butler and my brother Acquainting them of my Sitwation, desireing there advice, as I was left no Directions Concerning my self or family, Only When a Vessel Arraived, I Could get a passage to Niagara — I have been promised by Colonel Johnson at Montreal, that I Should hear from the General <Haldimand> and have his directions & order to be provided at Whatever place my litle services should be wanted which you know I am always ready to do, Should you think proper to speak to the General on that head will be much Oblidged to You<,> the Indians are a Good deele dissatisfied on Account of the Colonels hasty temper which I hope he will soon drop Otherwise it may be Dissadvantageous<,> I need not tell You whatever is promised or told them it Ought to be perform'd —

            those from Canada are much Dissatisfied on Account of his taking more Notice of those that are suspected than them that are known to be Loyal, I tell this only to you that you advise him On that head. Meantime beg leave to be remembred to all Your family from<,> Sir

1797: "A map of part of the land in the Royal Grant devised by Sir William Johnson to some of his natural Indian children", The New York Public Library, Lionel Pincus and Princess Firyal Map Division